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International Climate Change Strategies
Notes from an EESI Briefing with Professor
Michael Grubb
Tuesday, November 19, 2002
Longworth House Office Building
Professor
Michael Grubb is a
leading international researcher on policy responses to climate
change, and energy policy issues including renewable energy
sources. He is now Associated Director of Policy at the UK Carbon
Trust, and Visiting Professor at Imperial College London. He has
been a Lead Author for several reports of the Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) addressing the economic,
technological and social aspects of limiting greenhouse gas
emissions, and has advised a number of governments, companies, and
international studies on climate change policy. He is
editor-in-chief of the journal “Climate Policy” and is on the
editorial board of “Energy Policy.”
Introduction
Professor Michael Grubb began his
presentation by noting that he would not be saying anything about
the science of climate change because, in Europe, the fundamental
debate on the science is settled. Enough is known to be very
concerned. He argued that two events in the last few years have
cemented European opinion. First, Bush’s rejection of the Kyoto
Protocol had the effect of putting Europe on the spot to prove that
it was serious about global climate change. Second, a number of
extreme weather events, such as the recent central European floods,
have been linked to climate change in the public’s mind, whether
truly linked or not.
Grubb works for the UK Carbon Trust,
which is a government-backed non-profit company with a diverse
board, 50 staff (primarily from the private sector), and an annual
budget of US $300 million.
Technologies
Grubb pointed out
that Europeans see tackling climate change as a substantial business
opportunity, albeit with some short-term costs. A wide range of
low-carbon technologies are being developed and deployed. But
research and development is not enough; what really matters is
responsiveness to the market. Of these low-carbon technologies,
renewables and energy efficiency have distinct advantages. Putting
aside the controversies over nuclear and sequestration technologies,
these technological approaches are very costly and have equally
large financial risks. Energy efficiency and renewables have an
enormous potential and represent the preferable long-term solutions,
but are moving into the market incrementally.
Emissions Trading Instruments
Grubb explained that trading systems are
in the works in Europe, with two already operating. None have
direct links to an international system yet, but most in Europe are
aligning with or awaiting completion of the European Emissions
Trading Directive.
International System and
Architecture for Climate Protection
Grubb believes that there are four
criteria that a successful climate control system must have the
following four criteria.
1)
Effective – resulting in
actual, verifiable reductions in greenhouse gas emissions
2)
Enabling – providing
flexibility in domestic implementation
3)
Evolutionary – supporting
gradual implementation because it is not possible to get a global
architecture with full participation of everyone at the same time
4)
Efficient – which, he
believes, means the adoption of an international cap and trade
system [Grubb stated that one of the results of the Bush rejection
of the Kyoto Protocol was the chance to see if there were any better
ideas out there. He has not heard of any.]
International Context
Grubb showed a graph of emissions per
capita vs. population and explained that success in the long term
will require inclusion of developing countries. For any prospect of
engaging developing countries, developed countries must deliver on
the Kyoto Protocol targets. There is no realistic political reason
for developing countries to negotiate a cap without developed
country action.
The “political software” conditions that
must be met include:
1)
The European system must
deliver and do so efficiently – which it looks like it will.
2)
The international
mechanisms in the Kyoto Protocol, such as the Clean Development
Mechanism, must deliver real projects/investments for developing
countries.
3)
Required capacity
building, including building local knowledge on the ability to
commit to emission reductions.
Given this, developing countries might
join, at best, some ten years after the United States returns to the
agreement. Recognizing that this is a century-scale problem, Grubb
believes that if the United States comes in at the 2nd
Commitment Period (CP2), then during CP3, some smaller developing
countries may join, and the rest in CP4. While slow, Grubb
explained, this is “a lot better than nothing.”
Present Kyoto Protocol System:
Collectively, Annex I (developed
countries) already met the 1990 level target in 1998. This is
because Eastern Europe’s emission levels dropped dramatically as a
result of their economic collapse after 1990. These reductions,
commonly referred to as “hot air,” will make up for the increase in
emissions in Europe and elsewhere. Eastern Europe emissions are
also growing, but the increase in their emissions still keeps them
at a level below their initial drop from 1990 levels. Therefore, it
is clear that the surplus of “hot air” credits in Eastern Europe
will remain in 2010; and without U.S. demand for those surplus
credits (because the United States is not participating in the Kyoto
Protocol), there will be an enormous overhang of potential supply.
Grubb believes that the developed countries in the Kyoto Protocol
will attempt to achieve much of their required reductions
domestically, with the Kyoto Protocol mechanisms as a backup. Russia
is engaged in this debate as well, because they are interested in
maintaining the price of their excess credits
and want to see real change and investment in their energy
sector. Grubb also pointed out that where there is international
trading, the buyers, who are sovereign states, will want to know
what happens with the money as they consider their complex political
and strategic interests.
To conclude his presentation, Grubb said
that the United States should not underestimate the strength of the
European commitment to the Kyoto Protocol and to preventing climate
change. Europe will implement the Kyoto Protocol and will do what
is necessary to preserve the system. At this point Europe does not
see any credible alternatives.
In the near future, decisive moves will
be made by Canada and Russia. Russia must ratify the Kyoto Protocol
for it to enter into force and Canada may be a substantial buyer of
credits, thereby affecting the market, and certainly influencing
their long-term politics with the United States.
Discussion/ Q & A
Question: Given the apparent
cancellation of required reductions by “hot air,” shouldn’t we just
see this as a success at achieving zero net across the board growth,
not buy the right to pollute, and move on to stage two?
Grubb: The zero net growth is
only a result of the economic collapse of Eastern Europe. Kyoto
would be a failure if we only comply without doing anything. But
that is not what is happening.
Question: With the accession of
Eastern European countries to the European Union, what will happen
to the surplus?
Grubb: That is still an open
question. The countries joining the European Union will be required
to translate the EU Directives into domestic law, so they will have
to establish caps. How those caps are distributed is not
specified. It is possible that Europe’s job may become easier.
They will probably become a smaller buyer outside their bubble than
they would have been before.
Question: What about Bush’s
argument that it (the Kyoto Protocol) will harm the U.S. economy?
Is that not a concern in Europe? Will Europe benefit economically
from this or do they just see the long-term benefit?
Grubb: I am amazed at the
hyperbole in the U.S. economic debate. Climate change is a big
issue, but it will not wreck economies. Where you are in the
winners/losers balance matters, but… There have been extensive
studies on the cost of implementation in Europe and it will reduce
economic growth overall by only 0.6 percent. There is also
agreement that in the long term we will benefit by being the leaders
(e.g. first movers, technology development and transfer).
Question: With regard to the
differences between countries and the ability to meet their targets,
what if the U.S. argument is that we are just more efficient than
other countries and we will wait until we are on a more equal
footing?
Grubb: By any measure, the United
States is a very inefficient economy.
Question: Is that because of the
transportation sector?
Grubb: For the good portion of
the gap, yes, but within each industrial sector there are still
differences from other countries. Before the Kyoto Protocol,
economic studies showed that the United States could in fact reduce
more that Europe, but politics went the opposite way. Population
growth is more significant in the United States. It probably has
ended up being easier for Europe to reduce, but not by much.
Europeans find it intolerable that the United States says it cannot
reduce.
Question: The British and the
Germans have made most of their reductions for non-climate related
reasons. Eventually it will have to catch up with them. What is
the sustainability of these cuts?
Grubb: Yes, there have certainly
been free gains. The United Kingdom had the good fortune that Mrs.
Thatcher decided to liberalize the electricity market, causing the
collapse of the coal industry. That, plus the effect of German
reunification, equals about 3 percent of Europe’s total emissions.
About half of the overall reductions are attributable to free
gains. But that nurtured the perception that it was not that
hard—it broke the political deadlock. As for when things get
tougher, President Bush’s decision to pull out of the agreement
helped. Just when the free gains were running out, Bush rejected
the Kyoto Protocol, in effect challenging Europe’s commitment.
Europe’s reaction, of course, was that they would not take that
insult lying down. Getting the Emissions Trading Directive through
could have been much tougher otherwise. Europe is starting
to do the tougher things.
Question: Specific to
transportation, as developing countries start to produce cars at
lower costs, could you foresee, in 20 or so years, the American auto
industry actually pushing for carbon taxes to boost their sales over
imports invading the market?
Grubb: Yes. Our only option is
to make a robust system where the multinationals say, “we’re losing
out.” It is appalling, the complete inability to do anything
serious—there has been no attempt on SUVs. There is state action,
but what is really scary is the Bush Administration’s attempt to
stop California Zero Emissions Vehicles. Stopping states from
acting—that is a very serious problem.
Since the writing of this briefing
summary. . .
·
The House of Commons in
Canada voted approval to ratify the Kyoto Protocol on climate change
on December 10, 2002. The treaty, however, remains pending until
sometime next spring when Russia's expected approval will give it
enough support to come into legal force.
·
The European Emissions
Trading Directive mentioned by Grubb was unanimously approved by the
15 environment ministers from the European Union on December 9,
2002, and is now subject to approval by the European Parliament.
Writer: Lee Hayes Byron, US Climate
Action Network
Editor: Beth Bleil, Environmental
and Energy Study Institute
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